SAGE Journal Articles
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Abstract: This article compares the essence and effects of Ethiopian and Sudanese state terrorism by focusing on the commonalities between the two states. These peripheral African states have used global and regional connections and state terrorism as political tools for creating and maintaining the confluence of identity, religion, and political power. Ethiopia primarily depends on the West, and Sudan on the Middle East, since Christianity and Islam are the dominant religions in these African states respectively. While the Ethiopian state was formed by the alliance of Abyssinian (Amhara-Tigray) colonialism and European imperialism, the Sudanese state was created by British colonialism known as the Anglo-Egyptian condominium. Massive social and cultural destruction and violence have produced and maintained these colonial political structures. These structures, in turn, have racialized identities by facilitating the processes of Abyssinianization and Christianization in Ethiopia, Arabization and Islamization in Sudan, and Africanization and marginalization of indigenous Africans in both states. Furthermore, each state has been involved in ethnonational cleansing, which has been disguised rhetorically as a move toward national self-determination and democracy. Consequently, the racialization and ethnicization of these states, external dependency, and domestic terrorism have prevented the implementation of national self-determination and the construction of legitimate multinational democracies that could solve the political, social, cultural, and economic crises in Sudan and Ethiopia.
Abstract: In December 2003, the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (Libya) issued a statement announcing that it had agreed to dismantle its weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs. Some policymakers in Washington and London were quick to establish connection between Libya’s decision and the US-led war in Iraq (2003). Since then, Libya has been presented as a model for other potential proliferators to follow. This article rejects these two propositions. Instead, it argues that the dramatic transition in Libya's stand on WMD can be explained by a cluster of factors — leadership and ideology, economic and political domestic developments, relations with Western powers, and security considerations. The combination of these factors is unique. It is unlikely that the Libyan experience will be repeated in other countries
Abstract: This article examines whether rogue states are more aggressive in challenging other states’ claims to territory in comparison with non-rogue states. Rogue states are defined as those which systematically violate accepted international human rights norms of gender and ethnic nondiscrimination and protection from state repression. Hypotheses suggest that states that regularly violate international human rights norms are more likely to challenge other states’ territorial claims and that dyads with rogue states are more likely to experience territorial claims. Empirical analyses of data from two datasets on territorial claims provide support to the theory. Territorial claims are more likely in politically relevant dyads as the potential challenger’s rogue state score increases. Territorial claims are also more likely to emerge as the minimum rogue state score in a dyad increases. The substantive effect of rogue status is sizable, increasing the chances for a territorial claim by as much as 500%.
Abstract: Based on a country panel from 1995 to 2013, this study examines the relationship between state failure and transnational terrorism with respect to perpetrator’s proximity to the target and logistical complexity of attacks. Using concentration curves and generalized estimating equation negative binomial models, the study shows that failed states experience significantly more transnational terrorism when the perpetrators are from the home country. But these states do not produce terrorists who cross borders and carry out attacks in other countries, neither do they attract foreign perpetrators. The latter suggests that conditions in failed states present major operational challenges to foreign terrorists. State failure also causes more logistically complex attacks due to lack of effective counterterrorism measures by failed states. The main results hold true for both relative and dichotomous measures of state failure
Bellamy, A. J. (2004, March). Ethics and intervention: The ‘Humanitarian Exception’ and the problem of abuse in the case of Iraq. Journal of Peace Research, 41(2), 131-147.
Caprioli, M., & Trumbore. P. F. (2006). Human rights rogues in interstate disputes, 1980-2001. Journal of Peace Research, 43(2), 131-148.
Hallsworth, S., & Lea, J. (2011, May). Reconstructing leviathan: Emerging contours of the security state. Theoretical Criminology, 15(1), 141-157.